Welcome to this blog, where we share news and insights from Lawyer and Geopolitical Analyst Dionysios Pantis. You are welcome to reproduce our articles freely, provided that: 1. They are republished in full, and 2. The source is clearly credited (our website address). Καλωσήρθατε στο ιστολόγιο του Δικηγόρου και Γεωπολιτικού Αναλυτή Διονυσίου Παντή. Η αναπαραγωγή είναι ελεύθερη εάν 1. αναδημοσιεύονται ολόκληρα, 2. αναφέρεται η πηγή (η ηλεκτρονική μας διεύθυνση).
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What Is Required in Western Democracies and of the Western Citizen.
What Is Required in Western Democracies and of the Western Citizen. Summary. Western democracies, and the Western citizen in particul...
What Is Required in Western Democracies and of the Western Citizen.
What Is Required in Western Democracies and of the Western Citizen.
Summary. Western democracies, and the Western citizen in particular, require two interrelated elements: first, a new sensitivity; second, an unyielding political will directed toward political and individual autonomy. Concurrently, there must develop a critical awareness of the ideological dimension inherent in supposedly “objective” technology.
The fundamental problem confronting Western democracies (including Greece) resides, in my view, not primarily in the realm of professional politics but in the domain of the citizenry itself.
It is not the politicians—whom we are so readily inclined to blame—who constitute the core difficulty.
Rather, it is the citizens who, while declining to assume the responsibilities of political conflict (especially when social and patriotic interests demand it), expect a quasi-magical resolution of their problems from some external saviour—whether a charismatic individual or an institution (the judiciary, technology, figures such as Trump, and so forth).
These same citizens thereby leave unchecked the very forces that may, on occasion, exploit them excessively.
The deeper issue, therefore, is the psychologically and politically infantile condition of the average citizen.
What, then, is required?
On the one hand, a new sensitivity (in the sense articulated by Herbert Marcuse) that enables perception of manipulation and alienation at both the individual and the societal levels.
On the other hand, an unyielding political will oriented toward political and individual autonomy (as formulated by Cornelius Castoriadis).
The former cultivates the consciousness necessary to apprehend one’s situation; the latter establishes the recognition that the sole viable remedy lies in political autonomy and in collective, unmanipulated political action undertaken with one’s fellow citizens.
All other responses amount, in my estimation, to forms of evasion: the displacement of responsibility, or the plaintive appeal to an unresponsive paternal authority that fails to grant the disciplined child the promised pleasures of the playground or the expensive ice cream.
The child remains, and will remain, aggrieved.
Occasionally, moreover, that authority may permit the acquisition of the desired luxury (an automobile, a high-end appliance, costly holidays), producing a temporary satisfaction that reinforces a pathological attachment to the paternal figure itself.
Does technology, then, assist democracy or furnish an automatic solution to collective problems?
The user of technology—and, regrettably, often even the professional practitioner or the scientist who develops it within the parameters prescribed—fails to grasp its ideological function.
Technology is treated instead as a sacred and unquestionable power.
For those whose livelihood depends upon it, such an attitude is partially intelligible: they must persuade themselves, and their clients, of its presumed objectivity.
Comprehending the ideological component of technology is, however, a demanding undertaking, particularly in an intellectual climate that circumscribes thought and relegates anything outside its boundaries to the status of the eccentric, the outdated, or the irrational.
This dimension remains obscure even when one observes that technological development occurs predominantly within private corporations—above all the large-scale conglomerates rather than smaller firms, subcontractors, or start-ups—and is directed by their priorities.
Once this ideological dimension is recognised, one becomes still more resolute in advocating caution regarding technology’s application at the most critical juncture of democratic life: the election of political office-holders (parliamentarians, ministers, prime ministers, mayors).
Such recognition produces a genuine consciousness of technology’s operative role.
The allure of technology is therefore far from innocent.
It encourages its deification and thereby places it beyond the reach of criticism.
The introduction of specialised technical terminology, memorised from product manuals, is frequently sufficient to terminate discussion—discussion that has, in effect, already been foreclosed without public awareness.
Yet the trained and sensitive observer discerns that this is precisely the point at which genuine inquiry must begin: Who controls technology, and what functions does it serve?These remain the decisive questions.
Passive users may continue to regard technology as sacred; critical consciousness, however, will not.
Ο Διονύσης Παντής είναι Δικηγόρος στον Άρειο Πάγο με εικοσαετή εμπειρία στην δικαστηριακή & συμβουλευτική δικηγορία, απόφοιτος της Νομικής Σχολής του Δημοκρίτειου Πανεπιστημίου Θράκης, του Τμήματος Δημόσιας Διοίκησης της Παντείου (κατεύθυνση Δημοσίου Δικαίου) με μεταπτυχιακές σπουδές στο Ευρωπαϊκό & Διεθνές Εμπορικό Δίκαιο.
Από το 1996 ασκεί ενεργά & αδιάλειπτα την δικηγορία, με αντικείμενο το Ποινικό - Διοικητικό - Αστικό Δίκαιο, το Δίκαιο των Επενδύσεων, την Προστασία των Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων, τα Πνευματικά Δικαιώματα, Σωματεία, Εταιρίες, Πτωχευτικό Δίκαιο.
Δικηγορεί στα Ανώτατα Δικαστήρια της χώρας στον Άρειο Πάγο, Ελεγκτικό Συνέδριο & Συμβούλιο της Επικρατείας καθώς & σε όλες τις βαθμίδες της ποινικής, πολιτικής και διοικητικής δικαιοσύνης.
Διατέλεσε εκλεγμένο μέλος του Διοικητικού Συμβουλίου του Δικηγορικού Συλλόγου Αθηνών.
Από τον Ιανουάριο του 2016 μέχρι τον Ιούλιο του 2019 διετέλεσα επιστημονικός συνεργάτης της Γενικής Γραμματείας Απόδημου Ελληνισμού του Υπουργείου Εξωτερικών, είναι δικηγόρος της Επιτροπής Συγγενών Αγνοουμένων Κυπριακού Αγώνα & άλλων σωματείων με πολιτιστικό, εθνικό & αθλητικό αντικείμενο.
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